Family – Community – Country
Shropshire Star Article
A former soldier from Shropshire who narrowly escaped death - risking his life to save his comrade after a Taliban ambush - has visited a military museum to see the exhibit recounting his wartime experience.
Andrew Radford, who lives in the Wrekin, served in the Household Cavalry as a member of the Life Guards regiment for 18 years and received the Conspicuous Gallantry Cross for his heroic actions in Afghanistan in 2006.
The former Corporal of Horse (CoH - equivalent to sergeant) is the most highly decorated soldier in The Life Guards and now the Household Cavalry Museum has created an interactive tourist experience dedicated to recent gallantry cross winners where CoH Radford’s experience is detailed to visitors.
CoH Radford, who is now chairman for The Wrekin Reform, said he was interviewed about his experiences for the museum last year.
He said: “The actual interview was quite difficult to conduct without provoking too much emotion. Discussing how I was awarded the Conspicuous Gallantry Cross is always very difficult. Especially when trying to give details of the event without being too graphic, or stirring up thoughts and images that I try so hard to keep way back in my head.
Andrew Radford at the museum | N/A
“Whilst tasked to extract British and Danish troops trapped inside Musa Qala, Helmand Province, Afghanistan, we found ourselves inside a well planned and well manned Taliban ambush. A choke point that was used to try and get us into the area of interest had been heavily prepared and sat waiting for troops like us to head into.
“Had we not left two vehicles on the high ground we may have been in a much worse situation. We were quite literally surrounded in an ambush that was a couple of kilometres in size.
“The first vehicle into the small built up area came under heavy and accurate enemy fire from Rocket Propelled Grenades and machine gun fire. The second was then taken out by an IED, and the vehicle that I was a part of was just behind that as hell broke out.
“It was presumed that all four crew were killed instantly until the driver of the vehicle, Martyn Compton, was spotted many meters deeper inside the ambush killing zone, completely trapped and gravely wounded.
“During the heavy exchange of gunfire Martyn Compton was spotted by my boss. It was in that moment that I said I will go and get him. There was no debate or plan formulated, there wasn’t time for that. I put on my webbing filled with ammunition and made my way to retrieve him.
“He would have died alone and terrified inside the chaos of machine gun fire, smoke, huge fireball flames from the destroyed vehicle and noise. No soldier can ever be left like that. And whilst fighting for my own life, I knew that it was down to me to go and get him.
“In all honesty I thought I was going to be killed trying to get him. Making it deeper inside the centre of the ambush and back out again didn’t seem too realistic. But I would have much rather died trying than live knowing that he had been left there to die. It was more of an instinct than one of serious thought.
“Martyn had 76 per cent burns to his entire body, and he had been shot twice. How he survived is a true miracle from God. He was so hot from the explosion and from being on fire himself. His heart stopped a number of times on his way back to the UK but some how he fought and lived. He now has a wife who was his girlfriend at the time, and two not so young children.
“That day will remain etched in my brain forever, but I lived, and somehow I wasn’t injured apart from mentally. I am one of the lucky survivors from that day.”
He added that returning to Horse Guards last weekend to see the museum exhibit brought back so many memories”.
“I didn’t particularly feel proud when looking at the medals in the cabinet. I rarely have occasions of pride for that day,” he said. “I lived with severe survivor guilt for many years. I didn’t actually want to be alive myself for many years after the event. It took two years of therapy to resolve that, and that only happened by chance after losing my leg after a terrible horse riding accident three days before I was due to ride on Trooping the Colour 2015.
“But having the medals sat next to many brave individuals, and names that literally will go down in regimental history is astonishing to think about. Young troopers will be shown the cabinet and learn what is expected of them during their own careers should time ever ask it of them.
“No other Life Guards soldier in a history that dates back to 1660, has a higher gallantry award than my CGC. I hope that it is never the case that the accolade is ever beaten, not for vanity, but because to be awarded any gallantry award means that the most terrible of days had occurred to be awarded it.”
Andy Radford CGC
Chairman, The Wrekin Reform UK
Only Reform UK
6 April 2026
Recycling Centre Row Exposes a Simple Truth:
If Shropshire Residents Could Share The Use of Telford Facilities, Shropshire Council Could Pay for It.
From 1 April 2026, Telford & Wrekin Council introduced a residents-only policy at its Hortonwood and Halesfield recycling centres. This is a sensible, fiscally responsible decision. The council’s own postcode survey data shows that approximately 30,000 visits per year — around one in ten — are made by people who do not live in the borough. These facilities are funded entirely through Telford & Wrekin council tax, and it is right that they should serve the people who pay for them.
Mark Pritchard MP has called this decision ‘ridiculous’ and ‘complete madness,’ claiming that residents in places like Shifnal and Sheriffhales are being unfairly excluded. But let us be clear about the facts. Shifnal and Sheriffhales fall under Shropshire Council, not Telford & Wrekin. Their residents pay council tax to Shropshire Council, and it is Shropshire Council’s responsibility to provide them with adequate waste and recycling services.
“What makes Mr Pritchard’s outrage all the more curious is that Shropshire Council faced exactly the same problem at its own five recycling centres — and took exactly the same kind of action. In November 2024, the then Conservative-controlled Shropshire Council introduced a booking system at its recycling centres specifically to tackle non-resident use and trade waste. The results were stark: within three months, general waste at Shropshire’s centres dropped by 892 tonnes — a 28% reduction — which the council attributed to a significant fall in waste from outside the county, and from trade users. Shropshire Council itself stated that its recycling centres exist ‘to dispose of Shropshire’s household waste only, not waste from outside of Shropshire.
Shropshire Council’s own website, as it stands today, still instructs visitors to bring proof of address and states that ‘staff on site will check you in when you arrive and ask you to provide ID.’ So Mr Pritchard is criticising Telford & Wrekin for adopting the very same principle that Shropshire Council already applies at its own centres. The hypocrisy is breathtaking.
“The solution here is blindingly obviousthough, and it is remarkable that a twenty-one-year sitting MP has not thought to propose it. If Mr Pritchard genuinely wants his Shropshire-based constituents to continue using Telford’s recycling centres, the answer is straightforward: he should be pressing the Leader of Shropshire Council to negotiate a cost-sharing agreement with Telford & Wrekin and pay a fair contribution towards the running of those facilities. That is how local government works. You do not get to use another authority’s services, funded by another authority’s taxpayers, for free.
Instead, Mr Pritchard has chosen to denounce both councils from the sidelines without offering a single practical solution. He calls it a ‘recycling war’ but has not, as far as anyone can tell, written to the Leader of Shropshire Council proposing a cross-border payment arrangement, nor raised the matter in Parliament with anything resembling a constructive proposal. We are listening to a lot of noise, gesture politics, not constituency advocacy.
Of course, Shropshire Council is unlikely to volunteer additional spending on cross-border recycling access because it is in severe financial crisis — a crisis built over years of Conservative mismanagement.
Shropshire Council was under continuous Conservative control from 2005 until May 2025. During that period, the council’s own external auditors found that the Conservative administration had been ‘overly optimistic’ in its assessments of savings plans, with cost-cutting proposals repeatedly failing to materialise. Reserves were depleted and budgets were built on assumptions that never held up. The council even froze council tax for six consecutive years between 2010 and 2016, which Shropshire Council itself now acknowledges contributed to a structural shortfall in income that has compounded ever since.
The scale of the inherited mess is staggering. In September 2025, the current Liberal Democrat council declared a formal financial emergency. By the end of the 2025/26 financial year, the projected overspend exceeded £53 million. The council has been forced to apply to the government for “Exceptional Financial Support”, receiving £71.4 million for 2025/26 and a further £121 million for 2026/27. This is not a grant. It is borrowing, to be repaid with interest, burdening Shropshire taxpayers for years to come.
Mark Pritchard sat as the Conservative Member of Parliament for The Wrekin throughout the entire period his party’s councillors were driving Shropshire Council towards the brink of effective bankruptcy. His silence on their financial mismanagement stands in stark contrast to his sudden vocal concern over access to a recycling centre.
The Liberal Democrats took control of Shropshire Council in May 2025, winning 42 of the 74 seats. They inherited a dire financial position, and it is right to acknowledge that the crisis was not of their making. However, their record in the eleven months since has given residents little cause for optimism.
In February 2026, the Liberal Democrat administration approved an unprecedented 8.99% council tax rise — requiring special government permission to exceed the normal 4.99% referendum cap. For the average B and D property, this adds approximately £162 per year, taking the annual Shropshire Council bill to £1,969.09. On top of that, the council has committed to borrowing up to £121 million through Exceptional Financial Support for the 2026/27 financial year alone, all of which must be repaid with interest. The council’s own projections show a budget gap that could reach nearly £195 million by 2030/31 if left unaddressed.
These are the actions of a council in crisis, not one that has the financial headroom to subsidise cross-border recycling trips. When Shropshire residents are facing the highest council tax rise in their council’s history and their authority is borrowing almost £200 million just to keep the lights on, Mr Pritchard’s demand that they should also receive free access to Telford’s facilities — without offering any mechanism for Shropshire Council to pay for it — is simply not serious.
Since winning control or becoming the largest party on a number of councils in the May 2025 local elections, Reform UK has demonstrated that it is possible to set lower council tax rises while still delivering services.
According to published data on council tax levels for 2026/27, the average council tax increase across Reform UK councils was 4.32%. This compares to an average of 4.7% for Labour-run councils, 4.9% for Conservative-run councils, and 5.49% for Liberal Democrat-run councils. Reform UK’s average is the lowest of any major party. It is worth noting that this picture is not entirely uniform — some Reform-led councils inherited severe financial positions from previous administrations that required larger rises — but the overall direction of travel is clear: Reform UK is prioritising fiscal discipline and value for the council taxpayer.
“The contrast with Shropshire’s 8.99% rise under the Liberal Democrats, or the years of financial ruin overseen by the Conservatives before them, could not be starker.
This recycling centre row is a small issue that reveals a much larger picture. It shows an MP who has been content to remain quiet while his own party crashed Shropshire Council’s finances, but who now finds his voice over a tip. It shows a Liberal Democrat administration that has imposed a record council tax rise on struggling families while borrowing hundreds of millions of pounds. And it shows that neither the sitting MP nor the councils involved have been willing to propose the most obvious solution: if you want to use someone else’s services, you pay for them.
Both councils have faced exactly the same problem — non-residents using facilities paid for by local taxpayers — and both have acted to restrict access. Shropshire Council saw a 28% drop in waste when it introduced its own controls. Telford & Wrekin Council has identified 30,000 non-resident visits per year. The principle is the same, the data supports it, and Mr Pritchard’s selective outrage fools nobody. This is a man becoming vocal because he sees the threat that is heading his way.
Reform UK offers a different approach — one that puts the council taxpayer first, delivers lower tax rises, and believes in practical solutions rather than headline-grabbing outrage.
Andy Radford CGC
A turning point for Britain
Only Reform UK
Something fundamental is shifting in British politics and public life, and we would be foolish to pretend otherwise. Over the next few weeks and months, the mask will slip further – and the May elections will show us just how deep that change runs.
The Gorton and Denton by‑election should ring alarm bells in every Labour office in the country. What was once a safe Labour seat fell to the Green Party, in a campaign dominated by the battle for the Muslim vote and sectarian mobilisation over Gaza and other foreign‑policy grievances showed. Muslim voters make up a large share of the constituency’s electorate, and many turned away from Labour and towards the Greens, in large part because they felt Labour had betrayed them.
Labour has betrayed everyone. Time and time again. But what did their voters expect? Although to be fair, nobody could have predicted how terribly they would crash, and the speed in which it has been done.
Senior Labour figures and commentators have already warned that this result reflects the growing power of a bloc “Muslim vote” and the willingness of other parties to appeal to it in explicitly religious and communal terms. This isn’t just a local protest or a one‑off by‑election wobble; it looks like the moment when Labour finally discovers that it can no longer take key parts of its historic base for granted, and our politics starts to harden along communal lines instead of shared national interests.
It was Labour that began the mass movement under Tony Blair which started their own sectarian votes, yet now the table has turned they have the audacity to moan about it. Yet the Green Party went one step too far even for the left, sending out letters and creating social media posts in Urdu, for the many non-English speakers, was a line that must not be allowed to be crossed again. If you don’t even want to learn our language, then why are you living her?
At the same time, we have the ongoing crisis in the Channel. Year after year, thousands of illegal immigrants arrive in their small boats, ferried in by criminal gangs while our border force is reduced to a shuttle service. This is costing us eye‑watering sums every single day in housing, hotels and support – money that could be going into British homes, our NHS and our schools instead. Every pound spent on indefinite hotel stays is a pound not spent on clearing NHS waiting lists or building family homes.
We should be honest about who is coming: overwhelmingly young men, often from Muslim‑majority countries, who in far too many cases do not share our values on free speech, women’s rights or basic loyalty to this country. My question has always been “why would you leave the women behind if it is that dangerous and terrible”? They are cowards if they are truly leaving in fear. I’d die before leaving my wife behind.
The sheer scale, cost and cultural impact of uncontrolled illegal migration in the UK is eroding public trust and stretching our already fragile services past breaking point. By the time Reform UK take to government in 2029 who knows how many millions of these men will be hiding away in towns across our nation.
All of this is happening against the backdrop of a dangerous war involving Iran, and the death of its Supreme Leader, Ayatollah Ali Khamenei. In Britain, we have seen something deeply disturbing with the crowds not only protesting Western policy, but mourning the passing of a brutal theocrat whose regime has British blood on its hands. In cities and on campuses, vigils and rallies have been held where people wept for Khamenei and pledged obedience to his memory, while others gathered nearby to celebrate the end of his rule.
This is not a normal expression of displacement grief; it is open solidarity with a hostile, repressive state in the middle of a regional war – on British streets, under British protection. The fact that such displays are possible, and in some places even normalised, tells us that large pockets of people living here are emotionally aligned with foreign theocracies rather than with Britain. Yet our government still will not proscribe the RGBT through fear of losing more votes from the Muslim population.
At the same time, we see regular so‑called “protests” that spill over into chants for jihad, open support for proscribed terrorist groups, and open hatred of the West and its allies. These are not ordinary demonstrations within the bounds of democratic disagreement; they are “hate” marches that target mainly the Jewish community. They glorify violence and poison community relations. When imported sectarian rivalries and ideological loyalties start to dominate our public square, the cohesion of the United Kingdom is at stake. A country that tolerates the celebration of foreign tyrants, the open intimidation of its Jewish citizens and a constant stream of hostile rhetoric on its streets is a country forgetting who it is.
Nowhere is that clearer than in the treatment of Britain’s Jewish community. Antisemitic incidents have surged since the Gaza war began, and the sense of insecurity has deepened with each fresh outrage. The recent arson attack in Golders Green was a stark illustration of where this climate leads. We are stepping back to 1930’s Britain.
In the early hours of the morning, ambulances belonging to Hatzola – a Jewish community volunteer ambulance service based in the car park of a local synagogue – were deliberately set ablaze, causing explosions and forcing residents from their homes. The police are treating it as an antisemitic hate crime and counter‑terrorism officers are leading the investigation. It is only by luck that no one was killed or seriously injured. In my view this is not hate crime, it is obvious terrorism.
For Jewish families in north London and beyond, this was not an isolated act, but part of a pattern of mounting intimidation, vandalism and physical attacks linked to global events far beyond their control. When Jewish schools need ever‑heavier security, when synagogues feel like fortresses, and when even ambulances serving the community are torched, it tells you something is going badly wrong in the country’s moral climate. You cannot claim to stand for “justice” abroad while turning a blind eye to terrorising your neighbours at home. A Britain that cannot protect its Jewish citizens, that shrugs at antisemitic violence while indulging hate marches, is not the Britain most of us recognise or want.
The coming May elections will be more than a mid‑term test of the government; they will be a referendum on what kind of country we are becoming. Where will the Welsh and Scottish votes go? We will see whether Labour continues to bleed support in heavily Muslim areas to parties willing to play the sectarian card, and whether the Conservatives and others can offer a credible alternative grounded in national rather than communal interests. We will see whether voters reward those who wink at extremism, excuse hatred on our streets and refuse to get a grip on illegal migration, or whether there is still a silent majority prepared to defend British borders, British values, equal citizenship and the rule of law. The realisation of where this could all be heading is a concern.
Above all, we will discover whether our politics can pull back from the brink of imported sectarianism, identity blocs and uncontrolled migration, or whether the forces unleashed in Gorton and Denton, on Iran‑linked marches, in the small boats crisis and in the antisemitic attacks on our Jewish neighbours are going to define the next decade. The choice is not simply between Left and Right. It is between a United Kingdom where people can disagree fiercely but still share a common civic identity – and a fractured and balkanised country of rival tribes, foreign flags and permanent grievance. When we look back in a few years’ time, we may well see these months, and the May results in particular, as the moment Britain decided which path to take.
My hope is that people turn out and vote. Only then is there a chance, however from what I witnessed when knocking on doors canvassing for Matt Goodwin in Manchester, was that those who are truly at the bottom of our society have been left behind for too long and see no point in going to vote for anyone. They told me there was no point because nothing ever changes. That has been true for far too long, and only Reform UK have the desire to bring the changes that are needed. The Green’s will bring shear chaos if they take control of councils. If they were to win the general election, we would be living on borrowed time. I for one would be packing up and moving away because the fight would be over forever.
Andrew Radford
Chairman, The Wrekin Reform UK
Just Your Average Reform Monday Event
Only Reform UK
Yesterday at the NEC in Birmingham our movement truly looked and felt like a party ready for power. From the minute you walked into that packed out hall, with thousands of people already in their seats and more still streaming through the doors, you could feel the energy buzzing in the air. This was a packed arena in every sense, and the crowd had come not out of curiosity, but out of conviction.
The first thing that struck you was the sheer scale of it – row after row of seats filled, lights sweeping the crowd, and big screens carrying every word and every cheer to the very back of the hall. When it all began, the response made it clear that this was a party whose support is not “fringe” or “protest”, but mainstream, organised and growing fast. It felt more like a national rally than a niche Monday afternoon event. Only one party can create such an atmosphere.
Seeing seven Reform UK MP’s together on that stage was a powerful symbol of how far we have come in such a short time. Each spoke not like a cautious career politician, but like someone with a clear mandate to say what millions are thinking and to challenge the tired old parties that have let the country down. They talked about broken promises in Westminster, the betrayal of working people, and the urgent need for honesty, competence and courage in Parliament. Our new defectors were finally free from the restraints of cautious scripted words, and able to speak freely.
You could sense that these seven are only the beginning – the first wave of a much larger parliamentary presence that Reform supporters now see as not just possible, but inevitable. For members and activists in the hall, it was a moment of pride: our own MPs, on our own stage, setting out a clear path for the future of our party.
And then, as ever, came Nigel Farage – and with him that unmistakable sense that something big is about to happen. The now obligatory fireworks as he entered the stage, with the lights dipped, and the music risen Nigel makes one feel proud to be British. He has a gift for making every person in a huge arena feel like he is talking directly to them – funny one moment, deadly serious the next, always completely at ease
His speech was classic Nigel: spine‑tingling, unscripted in feel, and relentless in its message that Britain is broken and that only real reform, not more of the same, can fix it. He tore into the political establishment, set out clear priorities on borders, law and order, energy and the economy, and hammered home the simple idea that our priorities are family, community and country. By the time he finished, with the crowd on its feet again, chanting and cheering, it felt less like the end of a speech and more like the launch of a campaign that is only just getting started.
Being part of Reform UK in that arena was about far more than just attending a rally; it was about belonging to a movement that says what ordinary people say in their living rooms, workplaces and pubs. It means standing with those seven MP’s and thousands of activists who are no longer prepared to shrug and accept decline, but are determined to change the direction of the country. For members, it is a commitment to hard work on the ground, to honest conversation on the doorstep, and to the belief that our nation deserves leaders who mean what they say and do what they promise.
In Birmingham, you could see and feel that identity taking shape: proud, patriotic, decent people who love their country and are tired of being ignored or sneered at. To be part of Reform UK now is to be part of that surge of confidence – to know that days like yesterday at the NEC are not one‑offs, but the start of something bigger, and that each of us has a role to play in carrying that momentum back to our own streets, communities and constituencies.
The door’s for provisional parliamentary candidates has now opened, and I hope to be on a stage like yesterday very soon.
Andrew Radford
Chairman, The Wrekin Reform UK
Why Britain’s Working Class Is Turning to Reform
A Week That Mattered: Reform, Responsibility, and the Work Ahead
This past week felt significant. Not because of headlines alone, but because of the direction they pointed towards. Within Reform UK, there was a clear sense that the movement is entering a more serious phase, one where momentum must be matched by judgement, and ambition by responsibility.
The past week marked a noticeable shift in tone across British politics and within Reform. As the political year gathers pace following the festive period, there has been renewed momentum grounded not in slogans, but in decision-making and direction. Serious choices are being taken, and a clear message is emerging: Reform is preparing itself for the responsibilities that come with growth and, ultimately, power.
One of the most significant developments was the appointment of Layla Cunningham as Reform’s mayoral candidate for London. This was a considered and necessary decision.
London has faced prolonged challenges around public safety, civic order, and accountability. Too often, difficult conversations have been avoided or reduced to ideology rather than outcomes. Layla’s appointment signals a willingness to confront those challenges directly and honestly. It reflects Reform’s intention to offer Londoners a credible alternative based on realism, responsibility, and measurable change.
Crucially, it also demonstrates confidence. Reform is no longer skirting difficult political terrain; it is engaging with it openly and seriously.
On Friday evening, I travelled to London to attend the Reform launch event. Political movements are not built remotely. They are built through engagement, conversation, and shared purpose. Ensuring that constituencies like The Wrekin remain connected to national developments is an essential part of building a serious and credible party structure.
During the evening, I had the opportunity for a brief discussion with Nigel Farage, raising a local issue affecting The Wrekin and reinforcing the importance of strong constituency-level organisation. These exchanges are not about access or optics. They matter because local concerns must always have a route into national leadership, and that only happens when people are willing to show up and engage.
The sense of seriousness surrounding Reform’s direction was reinforced further this week with the announcement that Nadhim Zahawi has joined the party.
As British politics enters a more demanding phase, experience and delivery matter. Nadhim brings first-hand knowledge of government, administration, and the practical realities of power. At a time when public trust in political competence is low, strengthening the party with individuals who understand how the state functions is a rational and necessary step.
Growth brings responsibility. Broadening support must be matched by higher standards, and this decision reflects that balance. Serious movements require both energy and experience if they are to succeed.
Beyond domestic politics, events in Iran over the past week also warrant reflection. Ordinary people continue to challenge a brutal and oppressive dictatorship, often at immense personal cost. In an increasingly inward-looking political climate, maintaining moral clarity matters. Standing against tyranny should never be controversial, and those who resist such regimes deserve recognition and solidarity. After decades of authoritarian rule, the Persian people deserve their freedom.
Momentum creates opportunity, but it also creates expectation. For those of us working at constituency level, the task is clear: to ensure that organisation, discipline, and credibility rise to meet the moment.
That is where my focus remains.
Politics improves when it is treated seriously. The past week offered a clear example of what that looks like in practice.
Andrew Radford
Chairman, The Wrekin Reform UK
Why Britain’s Working Class Is Turning to Reform
Andrew Radford CGC The new Chairman for The Wrekin Reform UK
A New Chapter for Reform UK in The Wrekin
I’m honoured to share that I’ve been appointed Interim Chairman of Reform UK in The Wrekin.
This is a real privilege, not only because of what our party stands for, but because of the incredible people who’ve helped build it here in our community. Reform UK is growing fast across Britain, and The Wrekin must play an important role in that story.
Before anything else, I want to pay a heartfelt tribute to Richard Leppington, our founding Chairman. Richard laid the groundwork for everything we have today. He brought the right people together, built structure from the ground up, and gave this branch a strong foundation to stand on. I’m truly grateful for his leadership and the time, effort, and heart he invested in getting Reform UK established here.
As I step into this role, my aim is simple, to build on that foundation and help take our branch in The Wrekin to the next level.
Over the months ahead, my focus will be on uniting our members, growing our local presence, and connecting with more people in our towns and villages. Politics should never feel distant or detached; it should be something rooted in the real lives of real people. I want Reform UK in The Wrekin to feel exactly that, local, approachable, and driven by those who live and work here.
We’ll be spending more time out in the community, listening to what matters most to people, whether that’s the cost of living, the state of local services, or the growing sense that Westminster simply isn’t listening anymore. My goal is to make sure Reform UK becomes the voice for those who feel ignored and let down by the old parties.
I want to thank everyone who’s already been part of this journey, our members, volunteers, and supporters, for your belief and commitment. Reform UK is growing stronger every day, and with your continued support, The Wrekin will be at the heart of that progress.. Our own membership is about to double.
Andrew Radford
Chairman, The Wrekin Reform UK
I have written to Mark Pritchard again...
PRESS RELEASE FROM THE WREKIN REFORM UK
WHERE IS MARK PRITCHARD’S VOICE ON AHDEL ALI?
On November 19th, I wrote to both Mark Pritchard MP, and Shaun Davies MP demanding answers: why had they remained silent while a notorious child sex groomer faced possible release?
Ahdel Ali, leader of a grooming gang that systematically abused at least 100 girls in The Wrekin, including in his own hometown of Wellington, was recalled to prison in 2021 for breaching his licence conditions after release in 2020. Now he faces another parole review in March 2026.
This is a test of political leadership. So far, Mark Pritchard has failed it.
Our children need to be safe, and the survivors deserve to feel that justice is being carried out for his crimes. The Telford and The Wrekin is the epicentre of this horrific abuse scandal because of criminals like Ali. Yet while Telford & Wrekin Council leader Lee Carter finally wrote to the Justice Secretary and Parole Board to oppose release, prompted by my public condemnation of Ali’s early release, Mark Pritchard, the MP who represents Ali’s own constituency and those victims groomed, abused and raped by Ali, has been conspicuously silent yet again.
Shaun Davies the MP for Telford, who has in the past stopped early intervention by voting against a local enquiry, has also remained silent yet many of the young victims of the grooming gangs were from Telford.
It took the action by Reform UK and concerned residents to prompt a handful of local councillors to escalate this to the Home Office. The MP for The Wrekin should have been leading this campaign from day one, not watching from the sidelines, if he is even watching.
It shouldn’t take the local chairman of an opposing party to force action, yet I am not surprised.
This isn’t the first time Pritchard has been absent on grooming gang issues. For years, he has failed to raise this urgent matter in Parliament with the urgency it demands. While other MPs have spoken out forcefully, Pritchard has remained quiet on a subject where he should be shouting the loudest.
By contrast, Reform UK activists have been vocal opponents of early release for sexual predators. We believe The Wrekin’s streets must remain as safe as possible, and that criminals convicted of such vile abuse must serve their sentences in full, behind bars, and not be given repeated chances at freedom or re-offending.
Andrew Raddford CGC
Contact: Andrew Radford CGC – andy@andrewradford.co.uk
Evil sex offender Ahdel Ali from Telford, may soon be let out early.
Press Release – The Wrekin Reform UK
Sex Offender Ahdel Ali Possible Early Release Back To Telford.
Statement from: The Wrekin Reform UK
Date: 02 October 2025
The news that one of the ringleaders of the Telford grooming scandal could be released within months has shocked and angered us all. For the victims and their families, it is a painful reminder of what they went through, and our hearts go out to them. They deserve justice and peace of mind, not the fear of seeing those responsible back on the streets.
Telford and the many victims have lived with the scars of these crimes for far too long. We stand with the survivors and the families who continue to carry that burden. “What happened was devastating”, and it must never be forgotten or dismissed. More must be done to put these despicable monsters in prison where they belong, and with much tougher sentences.
Public safety has to come first. It is hard to believe that someone guilty of so many terrible crimes of abuse could even be considered for early release. Decisions like this erode trust in our justice system and leave people wondering if their safety truly takes precedence over everything else. Sentences must be longer, and not shorter than what is currently given.
As Reform UK in The Wrekin, we are ready to stand alongside victims, families, and local people to make sure our community is heard and protected. This is not about politics. It is about doing what is right for the victims, demanding justice, and making sure our streets are safe.
To the victims: you are not alone. To our community, we will not stop until justice and safety are delivered.
Contact: Andrew Radford CGC – andy@andrewradford.co.uk
Why Britain’s Working Class Is Turning to Reform
Why Britain’s Working Class Is Turning to Reform
My mother was the daughter of a miner and lived through the miners’ strikes. Like so many of her generation, she was a lifelong Labour voter. Labour was the party of the working class, an identity passed down through families: “We vote Labour, that’s what we do.”
For decades, millions followed that path. Then came the Borismania. His charisma and eccentric charm drew many lifelong Labour voters to “give him a try.” But beneath the bluster, it quickly became clear that he was no statesman. His chaotic leadership left the Conservative Party lurching from one Prime Minister to the next, more in a few short years than in entire decades before. By the time the dust settled, disillusioned voters had returned to Labour, reassured by the familiar message: Labour is for the working class.
But reality set in fast. Within weeks of holding government, pensioners were forced to choose between heating and eating. British farmers faced penalties simply for land ownership. The promises that swept Labour back to power unravelled, one by one. And while communities struggled, the floodgates at Dover were thrown wide open. Where the Conservatives had failed, Labour accelerated: free hotels, meals, gyms, even yoga classes, and illegal migrants were given more security than the average British worker.
Meanwhile, Rachel Reeves’ budgets crushed businesses and taxpayers alike, pushing Britain to the brink of an IMF intervention. Our credit rating now sits below that of payday loan addicts. The working class, once the heart of Labour, is rapidly seeing the truth: Labour is no longer their party.
Labour now caters to a select group of the new metropolitan elite, while other sections of the wealthy are quietly moving their assets abroad to escape punitive taxes. The decades-old mantra that “Labour is for the working class” has become unrecognisable.
And now, we face the absurdity of Blair junior’s ID card project, another burden for ordinary families, another golden handshake for the well-connected.
So where does that leave Britain?
- The Conservatives squandered their mandate in a decade of division.
- Labour promised the earth and is delivering only more debt, more illegal immigration, and more broken trust.
Into that vacuum steps Reform. What began as a protest vote gaining ground in 2024 has become a genuine movement for the masses. Reform councillors are winning across the country and proving themselves in local government through sheer hard work. The national Reform Party is building momentum, preparing not just to oppose, but to govern.
Reform is the only party now speaking directly to the working class, while catering to all, recognising that Britain succeeds only when everyone pulls together and everyone is treated fairly. From securing our borders to defending national sovereignty by leaving the ECHR, to rebuilding trust in politics, Reform is ready with a new common-sense approach.
The British people are waking up to what many of us have known for years: Reform has been here all along, waiting for its moment. That moment is now. Join Reform UK, help your local branch, help your communities and your neighbours through these difficult times, and prepare for a great future ahead.
Reform UK has arrived for all.
Labour’s Watching You. ID Cards Being Forced Upon Us.
Say No to ID Cards, in Britain and Here Within The Wrekin
Labour is back at it again, and this time pushing the idea of mandatory ID cards, dressed up in modern language about “digital IDs protecting British people, and convenience.” We’ve been here before. Tony Blair tried it, and the public rejected it, and for good reason. Britain is not a country where you must show your papers at every turn.
Where Does It End?
Let’s be honest: these schemes never stop where they begin. Initially, it’s sold to “tackle illegal immigration.” Sounds sensible, right? But give it a few years and suddenly you’ll need an ID card to see your GP, to claim your pension, to rent a house, maybe even to buy a coffee. That’s what’s known as state creep, bit by bit, freedom is chipped away under the excuse of “modernisation.”
Do we really want to live in a country where the government tracks our every move and we’re constantly having to prove who we are, even when we’ve done nothing wrong? Just because the Home Office is currently incapable of keeping control over the people in this country illegally. That’s not the Britain I know. Shropshire and The Wrekin must say no.
The Illusion of Security
Labour will tell you ID cards make us safer. But criminals and illegal migrants are always one step ahead of paperwork. HMRC doesn’t check cash-in-hand work that illegal immigrants are currently doing, so how will an ID card change that? The only ones who’ll really suffer are ordinary, law-abiding people who end up carrying yet another government pass. At the same time, their personal data is stored on a massive state database that we all know is at a considerable risk of being hacked or misused.
It’s security theatre, not absolute security—more from the Cirque Du Starmer.
What We Actually Need
Reform UK has been crystal clear: the problem isn’t that British citizens lack ID, it’s that our borders and immigration controls are broken. We don’t need mass surveillance of our own people. We need proper border security, sensible policies that remove all illegal immigrants, and stop new ones from entering our shores. We need politicians with the backbone to enforce them. Not clueless turncoats who have gone back on their every word, whilst creating profound change that affects us all, and without the mandate to do so.
My View
For me, this isn’t just politics; it’s about the kind of country we leave to the next generation. Do we want Britain, and our beautiful county of Shropshire, to be free, fair, and open, working for British people, or do we want to become a place where every aspect of our lives depends on a swipe of a government card?
The public said no to ID cards before, and I believe we’ll say no again. Labour might try to repackage the idea, but the truth doesn’t change: ID cards are about control, not freedom, And Britain deserves better.
Say no to ID cards across Britain, and here within The Wrekin.
Reform UK Pledge a Veterans Village
Reform UK Will Save Lives.""?
One of the proudest moments of my work with Reform UK has been securing a firm pledge from the party for our veterans: a Veterans Village will be built to provide lifelong care and support for those who have given so much to this country.
As a former soldier myself, and someone who has seen first-hand the sacrifices our servicemen and women make, I have always believed that Britain must do more than simply thank and look after its veterans. We must stand by them, especially those who need extra care. For too long, many have struggled with inadequate housing, poor aftercare, and a lack of the dignity they so rightly deserve.
I am proud to say that, after many discussions and giving my full plans for the village, I persuaded Reform UK’s leadership to adopt this vision as a formal pledge: a purpose-built Veterans Village, where those with additional needs can live in safety, with dignity, surrounded by a community that understands and supports them. This will not be a token gesture. It will be a lasting commitment to the men and women who have served our nation.
The Veterans Village will provide:
- Accessible, secure housing tailored to individual needs
- On-site medical, mental health, and welfare support
- A thriving community where veterans can support one another
- A model of care that sets the standard for lifelong aftercare in Britain
This pledge is not just policy, it is personal. I fought for it because I know the struggles our veterans face, and I will continue to fight until the Veterans Village becomes a reality.
Britain has always asked the very best of its Armed Forces. It is only right that we give them the very best in return.
Freedom Of Information Request to Shropshire Council
The Fight Against Foreign Frebies
Dear Editor,
Current information uncovered by local campaigner Andrew Radford has raised serious concerns about how Shropshire Council is spending public money on social activities for illegally entered individuals, asylum seekers and non-British citizens.
Following a Freedom of Information request submitted by Mr Radford, it has been revealed that over £85,000 has been spent in recent years on entertainment and social activities for those who either have no right to be here or are claiming asylum in the county. This includes cinema trips, yoga classes, podcast workshops, football match tickets, theatre visits, leisure memberships, and even a “Father Christmas cultural event” at Shrewsbury Museum.
In 2024–25 alone, the almost bankrupt Shropshire Council reported spending £65,684.84 on Ukrainian refugees and £1,200 on Afghan refugees for these types of activities. An additional £4,500+ of the council budget was spent for transportation costs to and from these events.
Worse may still be to come, as it would appear that many individual ethnicity groups were left off the requested list, with a new FOI request now requesting the missing information.
Perhaps most concerning is that the council admitted it does not keep records of staff hours or time spent on organising these activities, meaning the actual cost of salaries, staff resources, and departmental workload is still unknown.
The council said that the money was ring-fenced Home Office money, not local council tax. However, as Mr Radford points out, this is still public money and must be subject to complete transparency and proper scrutiny. At a time when British families are struggling to access basic services and cannot afford similar activities for their children, many residents will rightly question whether this is the best use of taxpayer funds.
Only Reform UK has committed to carrying out D.O.G.E. Style inspections (Departmental Oversight of Government Expenditure) across all government departments to expose waste, enforce accountability, and ensure that the needs of British citizens come first. Mr Radford, who hopes to become the next MP for The Wrekin, has pledged to fight for complete financial transparency at every level of government, from Whitehall to Shropshire Council.
The people of The Wrekin deserve to know how their local money is being spent, and they deserve elected representatives willing to ask the tough questions and put local priorities first.
Yours faithfully,
The Campaign Team
on behalf of
Andy Radford
Reform UK Parliamentary Candidate for The Wrekin
Stop the solar farms
Decorated War Hero Leads Local Opposition to Stop the Solar Farm’s
A decorated British Army veteran is leading growing local opposition within The Wrekin to proposed solar farms in Wellington and Sutton on Tern, warning that they threaten Shropshire’s green spaces and community rights under the guise of government-imposed Net Zero targets.
Andrew Radford CGC, a recipient of the Conspicuous Gallantry Cross, is Reform UK’s Campaign Manager and County Organiser for The Wrekin and has vowed to fight against plans for local industrial-scale solar developments on farmland. Radford, who served over 18 years in the British Army, says local people are being “railroaded” by top-down green initiatives that ignore the will of rural communities.
“This isn’t about clean energy – it’s about control,” said Radford. “Solar panels should go on rooftops and brownfield sites, not across our countryside. What’s happening here in our local town and village fields is part of a national pattern of Net Zero enforced on everyday people, without proper consultation or consent.”
The proposed sites cover productive agricultural land and have already sparked concern among nearby residents. They fear the extra traffic, especially in Wellington, which would run close to a local school, could permanently change the area's character and lead to the loss of farmland and local wildlife habitat.
Radford has been meeting with residents, speaking at parish meetings, and organising grassroots opposition under the Reform UK banner. He says that, while he supports responsible environmental policy, “climate goals should never override democratic rights or local decision-making.”
“I fought to defend freedom abroad. I won’t stand by while it’s quietly taken from us at home in the name of green ideology,” he said.
Reform UK, led nationally by Nigel Farage, has pledged to scrap Net Zero by 2050 and replace it with a “pragmatic British energy policy”, focused on affordability, sovereignty, and common sense.
Radford, who now wishes to become an MP for The Wrekin, says he will fight for local referenda on major planning decisions, protection for green belt and agricultural land, and “an end to centralised diktats from Whitehall.”
“People in The Wrekin didn’t ask for solar farms; they are being dropped on them by the government and greedy energy companies,” he said. “This is where Reform UK stands apart. We trust local people to shape their future.”
The campaign is already gaining traction, with petitions circulating and local support swelling.
The True Cost of Net Zero
Written by Richard Leppington
I was reminded last week about just how little understanding there is in the mainstream media of just how much Net Zero could end up costing the country.
To some extent this ignorance has been deliberately engineered. The original Climate Change Act in 2008 included no sort of cost-benefit analysis at all; it was passed almost unanimously through Parliament on the basis that when you are saving the planet, costs do not matter. It was the same story when Theresa May amended the 2008 Act to set a Net Zero target.
The idea that the public should know the cost of decisions made by their MPs was regarded as abhorrent by them and still is.
Since then, much of the media have been complicit in refusing to discuss the issue of cost. Nevertheless, there have been attempts to put a figure on it. In 2019, then Chancellor Philip Hammond warned May that reducing greenhouse gas emissions to net zero by 2050 could cost the UK more than £1 trillion.
On the other hand, the Climate Change Committee has claimed the cost would be more like £200 billion over thirty years. However, this excludes the costs we are already paying and is based on unrealistically optimistic assumptions about the future cost of renewable energy.
So, who is right?
It is of course foolhardy to try to predict what will happen in three decades time; we have no idea what the economy or technology will look like then. Anybody who thinks they do know is a fool and anybody who claims they do is a charlatan!
But we should have a much better idea of how things will pan out in the shorter term, say the next 10 years or so. In any event, nobody cares about what will happen in decades’ time, when half of us will probably be dead. What they are concerned about is the here and now and what the immediate future has in store.
So, let’s start with what the transition to Net Zero is already costing the UK.
The Office for Budget Responsibility publishes the cost of environmental levies each year as part of its Economic and Fiscal Outlook. These levies cover the cost of direct and indirect subsidies for renewable energy which are added to energy bills, or in the case of the Renewable Heat Incentive paid out of general taxation. These are projected to rise to over £17 billion a year and show no sign of falling after 2029-30.
Although some of the older, more heavily subsidised wind farms will start shutting down in a few years’ time, carbon capture and hydrogen production are horribly expensive and highly inefficient ways to replace what we have now: conventional gas power stations.
Office for Budget Responsibility: Fiscal Outlook March 2025
Additionally, the costs that NESO (National Energy System Operator), which is responsible for running the grid, pays out to balance the electricity grid has risen to £2.9 billion a year. This is almost entirely all because of the intermittency of wind and solar power; NESO now needs to pay generators to supply power at short notice, pay wind farms to switch off when there is too much wind and pay for storage and other grid frequency measures.
In all, the transition to renewable energy is costing around £20 billion a year. Far from these costs falling in years to come, they are only going to increase, as NESO admitted in its ‘Clean Power 2030 Report’, published last November.
NESO estimated that Ed Miliband’s plan to fully decarbonise the grid by 2030 would add £25 per MWh to the cost of electricity. When wind and solar power is tripled, as planned, there will be many occasions when there is too much power for the grid to handle. As a consequence, billions will be paid out to wind and solar farms to switch off – so-called ‘constraint payments’. But there will also be long periods when there is not enough electricity to meet demand; when that happens billions more will be paid to standby generators and batteries to switch on. All in all, NESO estimates this will add another £9 billion a year, on top of the £20 billion we are already paying.
Astonishingly, NESO did not budget any extra costs for the enormous task of expanding the electricity transmission network. Only this month Ofgem announced the first tranche of an £80 billion grid upgrade which will need to be completed by 2030. This upgrade is only necessary to meet decarbonisation targets. On Ofgem’s calculations, this expenditure will add an extra £6 billion to electricity bills.
NESO also made it clear that building new wind and solar farms would not produce electricity any more cheaply than simply continuing to run our existing gas generators, which would need to be paid to provide standby capacity anyway. (They say renewables will be cheaper than gas, but this is sleight of hand, because it assumes a punitive carbon tax on gas generators.)
Add that lot up and you get a cost of £35 billion a year, just for decarbonising the electricity sector alone. That figure can only go up, as the bills for carbon capture and hydrogen storage start to take effect.
Moreover, we have not even started to address the problem of upgrading the local electricity distribution network, which brings power from the high voltage transmission grid into our homes. As we all start using more electricity for heating and electric cars, the existing network will quickly get overloaded. This will effectively mean digging up streets up and down the country to replace cabling, replacing fuse boxes in homes and increasing the capacity of substations. One independent electrical engineering expert, Mike Travers, researched the problem five years ago, and estimated the cost of all this work at around £200 billion, not even counting the enormous cost of disruption which will inevitably be caused. We are probably looking at a figure closer to £300 billion now.
Earlier this month the OBR published the costs to the public sector of the transition to Net Zero – note this just accounts for the cost to government, not the wider UK economy. The bill comes to £257 billion over 26 years. As is usual with Net Zero, most of the cost is frontloaded. Supposedly these costs will start to rapidly decline in the 2040s. Only a fool would believe that. We are expected to believe in jam tomorrow!
Using the OBR’s high-end scenario, that cost could be 50% higher. In the next 15 years alone, the cost will be £204 billion, all to be funded by higher taxation, reduced public spending or borrowing.
Most of this expenditure will have little added value, for instance installing heat pumps in public buildings and electrifying buses. It also includes the tens of billions handed to Ed Miliband to waste on Great British Energy, carbon capture and other nonsense.
Source: OBR
But the private sector will also be hit hard as well. Within the next 10 years, everybody with a gas boiler will need to replace it with a heat pump when it packs up. About 20 million homes have gas boilers. Including extra insulation, hot water tanks and radiators, we are probably looking at £15,000 a go, compared to £3,000 for a boiler. That’s a total cost of £240 billion, or £16 billion a year.
Meanwhile electric cars remain stubbornly more expensive to buy than petrol ones. Even allowing for savings on fuel costs, the extra cost of purchase will amount to at least £16 billion a year when the petrol and diesel ban comes into force in 2030.
And we have not even looked at the cost of complying with decarbonisation targets which will be incurred by industry.
If we add that lot up, we get approximate annual costs in the 2030s of:
Electricity Supply – £35 billion
Heat pumps – £16 billion
Electric Cars – £16 billion
Public Sector – £14 billion
Upgrading distribution networks – £20 billion
A total of £101 billion every year. It’s possible that costs may start to subside from this peak at some point in the distant future, but the damage will be done by then.
Proponents of Net Zero often try to deflect attention from the issue of cost by claiming that millions of green jobs will be created and that the economy will somehow grow because of Net Zero.
However, the hundreds of thousands of green jobs long promised have never materialised; the number of jobs in the renewable sector are no more than tens of thousands, many less of course than the jobs that have been lost to the UK because of high energy prices over the years.
Moreover, their claim defies the laws of economics. Jobs that create no extra value and rely on subsidies and government diktat simply drain money and resources from the productive economy. It’s the old ‘Green Door’ theory – pass a law requiring every home to have its doors painted green, and you create work for decorators; but homeowners then have less money to spend on other goods and services.
Whether it’s electricity generation, transport or heating, the solutions demanded by Net Zero are more expensive and less efficient than existing ones. No economy can grow by promoting and subsidising inefficient alternatives.
Worse still, the threat to British industry and jobs from Net Zero is a very real one. This is one cost that is impossible to measure.
This exercise is, by definition, broad-brush. But it is all founded on officially sourced data and analysis and based on sound principles. Maybe some new technology will come along eventually or maybe the cost of renewable energy will tumble.
But where we stand today, the cost of transitioning to Net Zero will within a few years cripple the UK economy.
A41 Road Closure Chaos (again)
Written by Andy Radford July 25
As a parish councillor for Sutton, I receive news from the Cheswardine Ward Unitary Councillor, Neil Bentley.
Sadly, we have very differing views on successful outcomes.
Below is a recent letter from Bentley expressing his delight at the “Daytime Only,” road closure of the A41 this summer holiday period.
I have followed this up a dressing my concerns with both Bentley, and the head of Shropshire Council, Heather Kidd.
From Cllr Bentley
Received 23/7/25
Hello,
Just a quick update on the proposed A41 Roadworks this summer to be shared with cllrs.
Over the past few months I have been pursuing Telford & Wrekin Council Highways over their plan to close the A41 24/7 between 4th-15th August 2025.
I reminded them of the chaos caused when the A41 was closed during the summer of 2023, with many of our country lanes being used as "quick cut through" routes by unsuitable vehicles. I also shared the concerns of our residents and businesses. A total summer closure would inevitably have a detrimental impact on our hospitality businesses. Although it is appreciated that T&W are investing in the network, they have failed to produce any impact assessment following the 2023 closures which we were offered at the time.
I am however pleased to share that I received a very detailed confirmation yesterday from the highways team at T&W and Balfour Beatty explaining that they have listened to feedback and will now undertake this work during daytime closures 07:00-16:00, weekdays only.
Although we can still expect some travel disruption during this time, I feel this option will reduce the impact on all those involved, especially our local businesses serviced by the A41.
Many thanks,
Neil
Cllr Neil Bentley
Liberal Democrat Councillor for Cheswardine | Shropshire Council
Reply from Andy Radford to Bentley and then Kidd.
23/7/25
Dear Neil,
Thank you for your update regarding the proposed A41 roadworks this summer.
While I appreciate your apparent efforts in pressing the council for adjustments to the original plan, I must respectfully express that I do not consider this revised arrangement a successful outcome.
Restricting the closure to weekdays from 07:00 to 16:00 may reduce the severity of disruption compared to a full 24/7 closure, but it still poses a significant impact on daily traffic flow, local businesses, and rural communities reliant on the A41. As you rightly pointed out, the chaos of the 2023 closure caused serious issues on surrounding country lanes, and without a formal impact assessment or clear mitigation strategy, it is difficult to see how those lessons have truly been learned.
Daytime closures during peak business hours still affect suppliers, staff movements, customer access, and deliveries, all of which are critical for the viability of local enterprises, especially in the summer period. I believe more should have been done to either phase the works more sensitively, provide adequate diversions that do not push traffic into unsuitable rural routes.
Surely carrying out the work after rush hour in the evening, until 0700hrs, would have been a much better solution? This seems far more logical to ensuring minimal disruption which you have clearly failed to understand.
While it’s encouraging that T&W and Balfour Beatty have adjusted their approach slightly, I feel you must continue to push for a more common-sense approach, and close the road in the evening not the daytime.
Kind regards,
Andy
Dear Heather
I note that Cheswardine Unitary Councillor Neil Bently has given an update to his local parish councillors, regarding the A41 road closure.
While I appreciate his so called efforts in pressing for adjustments to the original plan, I must respectfully express that I do not consider this revised arrangement a successful outcome whatsoever
Restricting the closure to weekdays from 07:00 to 16:00 may reduce the severity of disruption compared to a full 24/7 closure, but it does nothing to impact on daily traffic flow, local businesses, and rural communities whom are reliant on the A41. The chaos of the 2023 closure caused serious issues on surrounding country lanes, and without a formal impact assessment or clear mitigation strategy, it is difficult to see what, if any lessons, have been learned.
Daytime closures during peak business hours still affect suppliers, staff movements, customer access, and deliveries, all of which are critical for the viability of local enterprises, especially in the summer period. I believe more should have been done to phase the works more sensitively and provide adequate diversions that do not push traffic into unsuitable rural routes. Is there even a plan in place to prevent heavy traffic using unsuitable roads?
Surely carrying out the work after rush hour i.e. in the evening and possibly until 0700hrs, would have been a much better solution. This seems far more logical to ensure minimal disruption, which you have clearly failed to understand.
While the plan has been adjusted slightly. I feel you must continue to use a more common-sense approach and close the road in the evening, not the daytime.
Kind regards,
Andy
Cllr Andrew Radford CGC
Only Cllr Bentley replied
Hi Andy,
Thank you very much for your email. Obviously I have no control over what the contractors decide is their best course of action.
Ideally we wouldn't like to see the road closed at all but as this is a T&W project it really is down to them to make the decision. They say they have listened to all stakeholders and decided this is the best course of action for the work.
Many thanks,
Neil
Cllr Neil Bentley
Buntingsdale Anaerobic Digestion Bio Mass Plant
Written by Andy Radford May 25
Dear Councillor Neil Bentley
I am writing to you as the Reform UK opposition for the Cheswardine Division regarding growing concerns from residents about the proposed biomass plant planned near the Buntingsdale Estate in Sutton on Tern.
Over the past week, I have spoken with numerous residents who are deeply worried about the potential impact of this development. While biomass energy is often presented as a green alternative, in practice, such facilities can pose serious challenges to local communities, particularly when located so close to residential areas.
Concerns raised include:
• Increased traffic: Heavy Goods Vehicles transporting materials to and from the plant could significantly strain our rural roads and create safety risks.
• Air and noise pollution: Organic waste processing may produce unpleasant odours and noise, impacting quality of life.
• Environmental disruption: The industrialisation of what is currently a rural setting may harm the local countryside and biodiversity.
• Impact on property and well-being: Many families feel their homes and health may be at risk.
This is not just a planning issue; it is about protecting the character of our community and ensuring that residents are not subjected to unnecessary industrial burdens.
Therefore, I would like to ask:
These residents have my full support in stopping this before it happens. However, do you also support the residents of Buntingsdale Estate in their opposition to the proposed biomass plant? Or will you, as their councillor, be pushing for this to go ahead?
Our community deserves a clear answer, and I hope you will stand with the people you were elected to represent.
I welcome the opportunity to present your answer to the community of Buntingsdale Estate.
Yours sincerely
Andrew Radford CGC